Down and Out


We sat on a tombstone in St. James Episcopal Church graveyard, one of the oldest in Philadelphia, near Sixty ninth street and Paschall Avenue.   It was the afternoon of a spring day and the grass in the cemetery was greening up, mostly onion grass and that smell was in the air.   It mixed with the smell of beer breath and the musty clothes of Joe Bogess and me.   He had taken me as a protege of sorts and had shown me the ways and customs of the muzzlers, the down at the heels men who stuff circulars and flyers in your mailbox, on your wrought iron porch railings, over your doorknobs.   Sometimes the circulars ("Sale Crest toothpaste $.69 at the Acme") didn't make it to the doorknobs and mailboxes.   Sometimes they would end up in storm sewers or at paper recyclers where a hundredweight would get sufficient money for a couple of beers.

But on this particular day we were sitting on the tombstone and gaunt Joe Bogess was waiting for his son to come home from school.   The son wouldn't know it.   The son and his mother, and maybe a new husband, I don't remember, lived in a house visible from the graveyard.   It was a semi-detached row house with an enclosed front porch raised above front garden.   Not a good block for delivering circulars because of the steps and all the ins and outs you would have to do to avoid stepping in people's gardens.   There was another son but he was away at college.   The few times we got sent to deliver circulars in this section of the city, Joe would make sure to arrange things so he could be in the cemetery around 3:00 - 3:30 p.m. for then he could see his boy come home from school.   The kid would walk down the street east from Sixty-Ninth Street and into the house.   Sometimes he would walk alone, sometimes he would walk with a friend or two.   Ninety seconds, maybe two minutes if he dawdled, that's how long he was visible to Joe from this vantage point in the graveyard.   I was always more concerned about Crandall, the supervisor who drove around in a van checking that we'd delivered the circulars.

One time, I guess the boy stayed after school, we didn't see him come home, so we went back to work.   But on this day we did see Joe's son come home.   Though it's been fifteen years from then until this writing of it, I remember it well because I saw Joe Bogess crying and I felt something of his immense sadness.   The kid, a boy of 15 or 16 years walked by.   He didn't resemble Joe as far as I could see.   He went in the house, on this day he had no friends with him.   I saw tears come up from Joe Bogess's eyes which he quickly wiped away.   I was going to run over to the house, bring the boy out and introduce him to his father, but Bogess told me not to, and I didn't.

Once in a while I have reason to go by 68th Street and Paschall.   Not much in the scene has changed.   I ran across Crandall a few years ago and he said that Joe Bogess had died.   Still, rarely do I smell onion grass that I don't think of the boy, and Joe Bogess and me out in that cemetery.

 

Bogess was a tall man, rail thin.   At night time if you didn't look too closely he could appear respectable, long blue overcoat, grey felt hat, wide brim two dimples in it worn slightly cocked.   In daylight you could see how threadbare was the overcoat, how sweat-stained was the hat, all standing on thin shoes rockered fore and aft.   He taught me muzzling and he showed me something of the Skid Row.   He taught me something of the difference between being a friend and being a customer, client or patient.   In his own estimation Joe Bogess was a bum, a failure in almost every realm of his life, save one.

He used to recount that at the Normandy Invasion he did not retreat, "I wasn't any hero, didn't save anybody's ass but my own, but I kept going up that beach, didn't turn tail, didn't run."   On the street all seemed willing to confirm Joe's estimation of himself; the suspicious looks from policeman, folks that suddenly found it necessary to walk on the pavement on the other side of the street, even the man that gave him five cigarettes when he had only asked for one.   I knew, or came to know while working with him, the rough outlines of his history:   unremarkable childhood, the World War II which he rated as the best part of his life, the start of regular heavy drinking, marriage and children, then the breakup over booze, loss of jobs and then giving it up entirely, except for this intermittent muzzling, and settlement on Skid Row.

It was just that one season that I knew him.   From February until about June I was out of work.   I had learned about the existence of the muzzlers when I as a college student had volunteered to work at the Diagnostic and Relocation (now Diagnostic and Rehabilitation) Center on skid row.   I knew that if you showed up about 5:00 in the morning at one of the muzzling companies and it was a busy day, you would get sent out to deliver circulars.  At the end of the day they would pay in cash.   The rate of pay was the minimum wage for the number of hours you were out delivering minus two or three dollars.   If you worked from 7:00 a.m. to 3:00 p.m. that would be $1.95 times 8 hours = $15.40, minus $2.40 = $13:00.   There were no receipts that I remember.   I do remember the older muzzlers laughed when the paymaster reported the two dollars and forty cents went to taxes and insurance.

It was difficult to be righteous with the company about what was fair compensation as we muzzlers took advantage at every turn of avoiding doing the work we were sent out to do.   What I didn't realize then, Bogess did, ("We're bums, they know we're goddam skid row bums"), was that the companies really didn't care whether we delivered the circulars or not.   Being advertising, their customers paid them for the number of thousands of circulars delivered.   The company charged their customers for how many thousands of circulars were sent out with the muzzlers.   There often was a large discrepancy between how many circulars we got and how many got delivered.   As long as we weren't too obvious in the ways we neglected to deliver the circulars, nobody cared.

Bogess taught me the manner in which the job was supposed to be done, and then he taught me the way to do it.   A muzzler always has a partner.   The van supervisor assigns partnerships.   Crandall gave me to Bogess.   "He can cover for you when you take your break, Bogess."   Crandall was a man from the streets and though an employee of the Parks Advertising and Distributing Company, it was generally agreed that "Crandall's been there before" and the men who got work liked getting assigned to Crandall's van.

"Crandall, if you got your muzzlers, load up", 6:30 a.m., six or eight of us would load Crandall's van with bales of circulars, leaving enough room for us to crawl in between the van roof and the bales.   We'd each be issued a satchel.   Bogess got to sit in the front seat usually because he and Crandall were friends going way back.   Off we'd go.   First stop always, no matter whether we were assigned north, south, west or northeast, was a bar at Front Street and York.   Bogess and Crandall would laugh at my abstention, "how can work unless you've had breakfast?"

In the months I knew Bogess I saw him eat solid food only one time.   He was so weak that day that he only could carry about ten pounds of circulars in his satchel.   I got some hamburgers at a MacDonald's we had come upon.   He ate one joking "how can you eat this stuff with nothing to wash it down?"

Crandall would drop us off with our satchels full, ordinarily 50-70 lbs. of paper, with instructions to "key off of 15th Street and 16th Street north to the top, I'll pick you up at 11:30".   Crandall would then travel up 15th Street or 16th Street leaving off on the pavement bundles of circulars to resupply us as we made our way north toward the 11:30 rendezvous.   Bogess would take 15th Street and I, his partner, 16th Street, and begin north.   Every house, every railing, every doorknob, extras for each doorbell if the house was broken up into apartments.   Joe and I would "key into" each other.   This means that when I would come to a corner I would wrap left around the corner and paper the houses on that side street.   Joe Bogess would wrap to the right.   We would meet each other in the middle of that row, cross the street and paper away from each other back towards 15th or 16th Street.   In this manner, in and out, in and out, we would progress northward covering every building on 15th Street and 16th Street and all buildings between those two streets.

Crandall would have other partnerships traveling along on 16th and 17th Street, 17th and 18th Street, 18th and 19th Street and so thoroughly covering a particular section of the city.   Of course, diagonal streets, railroad rights of way and dead ends could make the job confusing.   Crandall more than once had to go search for someone who had gotten lost in a rabbit's warren of complicated intersections and headed off in an uncharted direction.   In order to find the errant muzzler Crandall would follow "the paper trail" at the end of which was usually  the lost muzzler.

From time to time I would key in on a side street and paper almost all the way down the block before meeting Joe.   Crandall put me with Bogess because he knew Bogess was sick and a young partner could compensate for it allowing Bogess to keep up with the other teams.   Sometimes I would key in and do the whole side street, 16th to 15th and back and not see Bogess at all.   He'd always catch me a few streets up looking refreshed and I knew he'd had the fortune to come upon a friendly bar on his key street.

If Bogess wanted to take an hour or two off, he'd instruct me to "paper the corners kid, I'll meet you at Hunting park in ten minutes".   This meant to put circulars only on the first two or three houses on either side of a street corner - do not bother delivering all the way to the interior of the street.   The supervisor, unless he were very thorough (they weren't) would notice only the houses near the corner and confidently but wrongly assume that all houses on that street got the circulars.   Bogess would be in a bar on Hunting Park Avenue drinking beer and telling me stories waiting for our next pick up time.   The extra papers we'd stuff in a storm sewer or throw in an abandoned house.

Sometimes if he was in the right mood, Crandall himself, would tell us all to paper the corners.   After we'd quickly completed this task, he'd drive the still half full van to the junk man and get enough cash from the sale to treat everyone to an hour or two at a bar.   After which we'd all return, rested, in moderately high spirits to Parks Advertising Warehouse where the paymaster would steal two or three dollars from our minimum wage.   Except for Bogess, we thought we had bested the company.   Bogess said, "We're picking each others pockets, but they have more pockets".

When I had worked at the Diagnostic Rehabilitation Center I was taught to look upon these people in the tenderloin as people with problems.  And it was the job of the DRC and the folks who worked there to help solve these problems.   The problems were poverty, alcoholism, homelessness, tuberculosis, mental illness and many others.   Much discussion focused on the problems and how to understand the problems, and their courses, their etiology, and ways to help solve or avoid them.   The men who were clients of this social and medical service agency seemed by and large to agree to this kind of relational framework.   They had the problem, we offered help with it.   The counselors got to define the problem and the therapies appropriate to its amelioration.   The clients got to agree with the diagnosis or disagree, comply with proffered courses of treatment or walk.   If they disagreed their arguments did not carry the same force as that of the counselors (many of whom were recovering from the problem) because assignment of a diagnosis in itself degraded whatever the client had to say.

The men and women of the DRC then, through the years, and now have helped thousands recover from the ravages of drunkenness and drug abuse.   They have gently and persistently cared for folks who had lost all care for themselves.   My point is to contrast two kinds of relationships.   My experience at the DRC prepared me to learn something that Joe Bogess started to teach me and I have been trying to learn since that green onion spring day when Bogess cried over the son he had abandoned.

It's about relationships and the kind that money can buy and money can't buy.   My assertion, my thesis, throughout this paper is that Homelessness only becomes a possibility in a society that is structured around, dominated by, and dependent upon the kinds of relationships money can buy.   Homelessness may be a consequence and result of a large number of proximal causes and social dynamics but the condition of its possibility comes about in our community life when we give up or are made to give up the relationships that can't be reduced to economic exchanges and buy what passes for their replacement.

We have accepted relationships which were characterized by mutually accepted duties and obligations enveloped by notions of propriety, custom, morality, embedded in ideas of family, relatives, friendships, authority and religion that supported customary ways of making a living, reproducing, getting along.   Insofar as we are satisfied with the transformation of personal or reciprocal use relationships into cash or commodity relationships then we might not notice that the social world in which we live is profoundly different than that of our ancestor's (rural Ireland, early Philadelphia) or that of people whose social formation is much different than our own (Tonga).

Were it just a matter of inequitable accumulation and distribution of wealth, the matter of homelessness might be ameliorated by various kinds of transfer payments e.g. subsidized housing, cash assistance, food vouchers, health care and rehabilitation programs and the establishment of rights claimed against the state for shelter, jobs, showers and sickness treatment.

If there had been an unbiased observer, someone of disinterested perspective, an objective reporter, he would not see Joe Bogess as very distinct from the typical client or patient of the Diagnostic-Relocation Center that I had met and worked with on their problems.   And yet I sensed in this a difference.   I was the same person and much about Bogess was similar to other men on skid row.   The difference had something to do with our encounter.   He befriended me.   He could have been a client, a patient - me a social worker or a counselor.   It wasn't an intense, or long lived friendship, but it was that and not patient/counselor, what I'm calling cash or commodity relationships.   In the presence of tragedy, failed character and immense sadness, one kind of relationship stands in mournful union, the other sees problems to be solved, issues to be dealt with, and release from them at the end of the work day.   The communities in which cultural anthropologists have lived and studied are communities often marked with a social organization founded in kith and kin relationships: communities wherein the ordinary activity and production of its members is accomplished within a web of reciprocal relations.   Our community, this Philadelphia place, is a social place wherein many of our necessary, useful and productive relationships are exchange relationships.   Because of the medium of our exchange is not loyalty, intimacy or reciprocal solidarity, I have been calling them cash and commodity relationships.  These relationships are consequent to and generative of a way of living that has been capable of creating great wealth but which as an integral part of its dynamic necessarily creates a kind of impoverishment for us all that we very accurately call Homelessness.

Joe Ferry

ex: Homeless in My Hometown

Temple University, 1986
 
 
 

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